The Right: The Hundred Year War for American Conservatism, by Matthew Continetti, Primary Books, 496 pages, $18.99
Not like most accounts of the American conservative motion, Matthew Continetti’s The Proper begins within the Nineteen Twenties, when two Republican presidents returned the nation to normalcy after World Conflict I. The beliefs of that period’s Republicans weren’t so totally different from these espoused by former President Donald Trump right now: They believed in slicing taxes, proscribing immigration, and defending American trade by way of tariffs. However there was one basic distinction: Presidents Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge rejected the populism of their age. They aimed to protect American establishments. Trump is extra like William Jennings Bryan, using the coattails of discontent. He represents a time, Continetti argues, when an more and more apocalyptic conservative motion “not considered core American establishments as price defending.”
Continetti has labored in lots of an important conservative establishments. As such, he needs to be praised for addressing the darker facet of his motion, a facet that many different conservatives have been hesitant to confront. Continetti places the strain between populism and elitism on the coronary heart of the battle over conservatism. The result’s a way more nuanced and satisfying portrait of the American proper than is obtainable by most different journalists and historians.
The discontent Trump used to propel himself to the White Home has at all times been current on the American proper. When Sen. Joseph McCarthy (R–Wis.) started his campaign towards “the hidden Communists in America and their liberal Democratic protectors,” for instance, he discovered assist within the Republican Occasion and within the few conservative publications that existed on the time—The American Mercury, Human Occasions, even the libertarian-leaning Freeman. As McCarthy’s accusations multiplied and “grew to become extra outrageous, extra galling, and extra disconnected from actuality,” Continetti writes, conservatives similar to William F. Buckley Jr. nonetheless backed his campaign. There are similarities in the best way Sen. Robert A. Taft (R–Ohio) responded to McCarthy’s conspiracy theories and the best way Sen. Mitch McConnell (R–Ky.) has responded to Trump’s. Whereas McCarthy in the end undermined himself by launching outrageous accusations towards President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Continetti demonstrates simply how lengthy conservatives have been tempted to observe aggressive demagogues whereas they lambaste liberals.
Historically, conservative elites have tried to channel populist sentiments into a good and profitable motion. Nobody needed to grapple with this query greater than Buckley, the founding father of Nationwide Evaluate. The same old conservative narrative says that Buckley legitimized conservatism by being a gatekeeper: In holding the conspiracism of the John Birch Society and the novel individualism of Ayn Rand at arm’s size, he made it much less probably that conservatives can be labeled extremists. Within the case of the John Birch Society, Buckley wrote a 5,000-word essay, “The Query of Robert Welch,” that condemned the group’s founder, arguing that “the very best factor Mr. Welch might do to serve the reason for anticommunism in the US can be to resign.” Buckley’s purges are sometimes held up as an incredible success, however the actuality is that Welch didn’t resign and the John Birch Society continued to have affect.
Whereas Buckley initially aligned his journal with segregationists within the South, a alternative that has marred the motion’s repute ever since, he was determined in opposing Alabama Gov. George Wallace’s explicit model of populism. Wallace, in fact, was a strident proponent of segregation within the Nineteen Sixties. Throughout his second run for president, on a third-party ticket in 1968, the candidate turned closely to anti-elitist rhetoric. “As he started to assault the federal authorities and its know-it-all politicians and bureaucrats,” Continetti writes, “his assist amongst conservatives grew.” Buckley known as Wallace “Mr. Evil,” “a harmful man,” and a “nice phony.” He was additionally greatly surprised by the “uncouthness that appears to account for his normal recognition.”
Different conservatives joined the denunciations. Wallace’s conservative followers, Nationwide Evaluate founding senior editor Frank Meyer wrote, want to acknowledge that “there are different risks to conservatism and to the civilization conservatives are defending than the liberal Institution, and that to struggle liberalism with out guarding towards these risks runs the danger of ending in a scenario as unhealthy as or worse as our current one.” In trendy parlance: Do not again a person like Wallace to personal the libs.
Finally, motion conservatives didn’t embrace Wallace. Ronald Reagan refused to run on his ticket with him (the concept had been floated by some conservative activists), and Wallace in the end gave method to one other Southern Democrat, Jimmy Carter (who Wallace endorsed and campaigned for in each 1976 and 1980). However the truth that he made so many inroads is revealing.
Continetti doesn’t spend a lot time discussing Reagan. This was deliberate: Reagan typically dominates histories of the conservative motion, though he was simply certainly one of many vital historic actors. However he stays important to understanding the American proper. His presidential campaigns appealed to the populist impulses of the late Nineteen Seventies, however they did so in an optimistic approach, channeling voters’ discontent right into a constructive legislative agenda. This made him each the exemplar and the exception.
Continetti’s main contribution is available in explaining how conservatism has modified because the finish of the Chilly Conflict. Right here he particulars the battle between neoconservatives, similar to Invoice Kristol, and paleoconservatives, similar to Pat Buchanan. With their dedication to the tradition conflict and their opposition to international intervention and immigration, the paleoconservatives presaged Trump’s electoral success in 2016.
The paleocons misplaced the political battles of the Nineties and 2000s. However the conflict on terror in the end discredited the neoconservatives, opening the door for populist discontent to seize the Republican Occasion. The primary manifestation of this was the Tea Occasion motion. Whereas Continetti attracts a straight line from this to Trump’s election, in actuality the Tea Occasion encompassed a number of strands of conservatism (all populist in nature) with conflicting conceptions of what twenty first century conservatism ought to entail. Sens. Rand Paul of Kentucky, Marco Rubio of Florida, and Ted Cruz of Texas all rode the Tea Occasion wave to victory in 2010–12, and all had very totally different visions for the way forward for the nation—and really totally different visions from Trump’s. Nonetheless, the anti-establishment politics that emerged within the wake of the Iraq Conflict and the 2008 monetary disaster in the end introduced Trump to energy.
It was throughout this time, from 2010 to 2016, that Continetti believes “the populist American Proper [became] much less fascinated with preserving establishments than in tearing them down.” One might hardly consider a greater instrument for that objective than Trump. Trump condemned unlawful immigration and commerce with China, introduced “assist for a ban on Muslim entry into the US,” and recalibrated “American politics alongside the axis of nationwide id.” Many conservatives initially condemned him, and Nationwide Evaluate even launched a particular difficulty titled “Against Trump.” Certainly one of its contributors known as the candidate “a philosophically unmoored political opportunist who would trash the broad conservative ideological consensus throughout the GOP in favor of a free-floating populism with strong-man overtones.” Nonetheless, Trump received.
Now a brand new technology of right-wing writers is denouncing the American founding and attempting to redefine American conservatism. Continetti rejects their challenge, insisting that “one can’t be an American patriot with out reverence for the nation’s enabling paperwork” and “one can’t be an American conservative with out regard for the American custom of liberty these charters inaugurated.” The duty for conservatives, he writes, is to protect “the American thought of liberty and the familial, communal, non secular, and political establishments that incarnate and maintain it—that’s what makes American conservatism distinctly American.”
Many Individuals, together with a variety of conservatives, had been shocked when Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in 2016. If Continetti’s ebook had been out there earlier than the 2016 election, maybe we might not have been so stunned. The Proper demonstrates that the populism now we have seen from the American proper over the past 5 years shouldn’t be an aberration. It has at all times been current, lurking within the shadows and generally in plain sight, ready for its second. Some statesmen, similar to Reagan, had been capable of tame it and channel it into one thing productive, however for probably the most half, it was simply pushed to the motion’s fringes. It’s not prone to return to the margins anytime quickly.
This text initially appeared in print beneath the headline “A New Historical past of the Previous Proper”.